The Human Right That Keeps on Giving


NEW DELHI – In Côte d’Ivoire, I once met a boy working on a cocoa farm whose only dream was someday to taste the rich brown chocolate he helped produce. And in Pakistan, I once rescued a boy who sewed footballs and wished only to play with the product of his work.

In the course of more than three decades of defending children’s rights – including rescuing tens of thousands of children from bonded labor and slavery, among them little girls who were trafficked from their homeland for sexual exploitation – I have met young people from many backgrounds. But, whether they are child laborers or victims of war who have lost everything, all have something in common: an indomitable urge to study. They want nothing more than to pick up a book, go to school, and improve their lives through education.

According to UNESCO, every additional year of schooling a young person receives increases their average future earnings by 10%, and can boost countries’ average annual GDP growth by 0.37%. Education doesn’t only break the shackles of human slavery; it can also fuel social, economic, and political change.

Recognition of education’s importance is enshrined in many United Nations treaties and international declarations, and in the constitutions of its member countries. Education is not just a fundamental human right, but also an enabling right – essential for the exercise of all others. With such a powerful tool available to us, we should be doing whatever we can to use it.

To that end, Norwegian Prime Minister Erna Solberg, Chilean President Michelle Bachelet, Indonesian President Joko Widodo, Malawian President Peter Mutharika, and UNESCO Director-General Irina Bokova have convened the International Commission on Financing Global Education Opportunity.

Chaired by United Nations Special Envoy for Global Education Gordon Brown, the Education Commission (as it is more widely known) brings together a committed and diverse group of experienced individuals who share a belief in the importance of accessible schools for all. I am both proud and humbled to be a member of the Commission, which has developed a bold agenda to turn today’s global youth into a “learning generation.”

Currently, millions of children are being denied quality education, and 263 million children are out of school worldwide – including 63 million in conflict zones and another 30 million who have disabilities. Millions cannot go to school because they are trapped in child labor and slavery, fueling a lifelong cycle of poverty and illiteracy. Poor children who are forced to perform unskilled repetitive tasks fail to learn anything else, which erodes their future employability and puts them on a path toward continued hardship in adulthood. Only education can stop this cycle and give children the means to secure a future free from exploitation.

Meanwhile, 600 million children who are in school are missing out on the full benefits of education because they are not learning basic skills. Young people who haven’t learned the skills they need to participate in the global economy are becoming disillusioned, which makes them more likely to find outlets in extremism or crime.

These numbers tell a story of education in crisis. But it’s worth mentioning that in 2000 the total number of out-of-school children was almost one-quarter higher, at 374 million, than it is today. This improvement proves that we can still build a better, more equitable, and sustainable world through education.

Fortunately, many countries are now implementing sound policies to do just that, including abolishing school fees, starting school meal programs, and using cash transfers to provide educational opportunities in poor communities. Moreover, at the international level, the fourth UN Sustainable Development Goal encapsulates a new commitment by member countries to ensure inclusive, quality education and lifelong learning opportunities for all people by 2030.

SDG 4 is ambitious, but achieving it is imperative if the world is to meet the other 16 SDGs. The Education Commission’s new report, “The Learning Generation: Investing in Education for a Changing World,” recommends a targeted approach and greater investment aimed at the hardest-to-reach children – those who are in child labor, suffering from disabilities, affected by conflicts, or excluded from education simply because they are girls.

The Education Commission proposes a strategy that fosters empathetic, compassionate, and respectful youth leaders who can show their peers that peace and innovation are worthy alternatives to fundamentalism and extremism. And, because education is ultimately a public good furnished by states, we advise governments to increase their investment in schools, either with domestic resources, international support, or private-sector partnerships.

The Education Commission’s report was presented to UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon at this month’s UN General Assembly summit, and we hope that world leaders will take notice and begin to translate its recommendations into action.

A childhood without education isn’t a childhood at all, and every youth who is out of school is one too many. We must act urgently to provide universal primary education by 2030. Creating a “learning generation” is a moral responsibility we all share – and a legacy all subsequent generations will carry on if we can just take the first, crucial steps.


Kailash Satyarthi, a Nobel Peace Prize laureate, is Honorary President of the Global March Against Child Labour and the founder of Bachpan Bachao Andolan.


By           :               Kailash Satyarthi

Date       :               September 21, 2016

Source    :               Project Syndicate

Posted in Education, Gender and Human Rights, Latest Post | Leave a comment

Gender pay gap to remain until 2069, report says


The gender pay gap in the UK will not close until 2069 based on current salary progression, research suggests.

Accountancy firm Deloitte said the hourly pay gap between men and women of 9.4%, or about £1.30, was narrowing by just two-and-a-half pence a year.

It also found men were paid more than women at the start of their careers.

It said more women should be encouraged into science and technology jobs, where salaries are more balanced but women make up just 14.4% of the workforce.

The Deloitte analysis, based on data from the Office for National Statistics, found women earn an average of 8% less in graduate starting salaries than their male counterparts across all science, technology, engineering and mathematics (STEM) subjects combined.

This compares with 9% less across all other industries.

Career paths

Among those professions with the most pronounced difference was health care, where women earned £24,000 on average in graduate starting salaries, compared with £28,000 for men – a difference of 14%, the report said.

But the Deloitte report showed there was no pay gap in starting salaries across medicine, dentistry, engineering and technology.

It added it was “too simplistic to explain the gender pay gap in terms of pay inequality”, and that it was party due to differences in career paths, which are affected by academic choices and the subjects that each gender studies.

Emma Codd, managing partner for talent at Deloitte, said it was known that jobs demanding a “blend of cognitive, social and technical skills” were typically among the most highly paid, with pay inequality less in STEM-related roles.

“Therefore, if more women study STEM subjects and pursue related careers, they will increase their earnings potential in the early years of their working lives and, should they remain in their careers, the later ones,” she said.

“This in turn should serve to reduce the gender pay gap. A great deal of progress has been made in the past half century, but we should not wait another 53 years for full parity.”

Role models

Speaking to BBC Radio Four’s Today programme, Helen Byrne, a mathematical biologist at the University of Oxford, said it was important for women to have role models in the STEM professions.

She added: “I think often children in schools don’t really understand what it’s like to be a maths professor.

“How can you use your maths, physics, chemistry, different disciplines, what does that look like?

“What I do isn’t what I imagined a mathematician did when I was at school. It’s much more fun.”

A government spokeswoman said: “The gender pay gap is the lowest on record but we are committed to eliminating it completely in a generation.

“We’re taking action to require businesses to publish their gender pay gaps for the first time ever from April next year and we agree that getting more girls into STEM subjects can play a part.

“We are continuing to encourage more girls to study these subjects and last year, 12,500 more girls sat A-Levels in STEM subjects compared to 2010.”


Date         :               September 24, 2016

Source     :               BBC

Posted in Gender and Human Rights, Latest Post | Leave a comment

Somali elections: much at stake for gender representation


“The clan-based formula will be used in the October elections, and is a real risk that the constitutional 30% gender threshold might be undermined.”

In May this year, Somalia’s President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud issued a decree legalising the presidential elections set to take place on 30 October, after the elections for the lower and upper houses of Parliament, which take place on 24 and 25 September.

The electoral process is based on the provisional constitution, which was adopted in 2012, and aims to ensure that the terms of the current president and Parliament are not extended. Although the current presidential term expired on 10 September, it seems an extension has been agreed upon up to the time of elections.

Universal suffrage – based on one vote for every voting-eligible man and woman – will not be used in the upcoming election. Rather, the so-called 4.5 clan-based formula will be used to determine the delegates who will vote for the lower House, while the regional states will select the members to the upper House. The collegiate system, which combines the traditional clan-based system and geographical voting, means that the process can be more accurately described as a selection, rather than an election process.

The constitution currently stipulates that women need to make up at least 30% of the seats in Parliament. There are no policies or laws in place to protect this quota, however, and the upcoming elections therefore place women’s representation at risk.

A number of National Leadership Forums (NLF) of Somali national and regional leaders took place earlier this year to determine modalities for the elections. The latest one was held in August in Mogadishu. Some of the issues discussed included the need to finalise the constitutional review process, and to establish political parties as a future alternative to the clan-based formula. Integrating women in elections and public affairs was also part of the agenda, with traditional leaders and electoral colleges being urged to ensure that women comprise 30% of the delegates to elect the lower and upper houses.Each of the four main clans – the Hawiye, Darood, Dir and Rahanwein – were urged to ensure that they each had 18 female representatives, while the fifth clan – made up of a coalition of minority clans – should have nine. It was also proposed that clans’ nominations to the Upper House comprise 50% women. In addition, a 50% reduction of candidates’ fees for women was also recommended as an affirmative action initiative meant to break barriers for women and to encourage female candidates.

If these propositions were to be implemented, Somalia would have a commendable gender representation of about 81 women in Parliament. However, these are mere proposals, and their validity and authority remain doubtful given that real power continues to be held by traditional clan and religious leaders.

Although the provisional constitution allows for universal suffrage, implementing it has been hindered by failure to reach agreement on the election formula. Elites in Mogadishu favour the clan-based formula, which is advantageous to the current president – while the regional authorities support a district-based election formula, which favours the Darood clan in particular.

There are looming fears that even with a set date, the possibility of polls being delayed cannot be ruled out. To date, the 30% gender quota stipulated in the provisional constitution has not been realised. Women currently hold 39 out of the 275 parliamentary seats; a meagre 14%. This has largely been attributed to the lack of a mechanism to implement the quota system, combined with male-dominated traditional cultural norms.

This has been made worse by the excessive powers vested in the traditional leaders and religious scholars under the framework of the 4.5 clan formula – in which a group of elders elect members of the bicameral legislature at the National Constituent Assembly.

To be successful, candidates need to lobby for endorsement from not only the four main clans, but also the clan elders and religious scholars who wield immense traditional and cultural powers. It is during this process of lobbying that voter manipulation is bound to arise; including the side-lining of women.

The system has been criticised for its vulnerability, lack of transparency and lack of consideration for women and minority clans. Coupled with the need for viable institutions and a persistent failure to reach agreement on the rules of the game, it is easy to see how many factors work against the 30% gender quota.

Regardless of these challenges, Somali women remain optimistic and resilient. There is even a female presidential candidate, Fatumo Dayib, who has vowed to soldier on in the face of death threats and other challenges.

Fatumo even said she would enter into dialogue with al-Shabaab if elected. She is an example of how Somali women have played a significant role throughout their country’s history – even if in the background. Somali women have taken part in the various peace processes; from Arte in Djibouti to Mbagathi in Kenya, yet they continue to be victims of certain damaging cultural practices.

Women have particularly borne the brunt of the protracted conflict in the country, but continue to play a strong role as mothers, caregivers and protectors in their families.

Their resilience in the face of adversity makes them critical actors. Somali society should acknowledge this, and not allow women to be subjugated to the whims of clan and religious leaders.

Despite criticism, the election model to be used offers more diversity and inclusivity. The number of clan leaders who participate in the selection process has increased; along with greater inclusion of women, diaspora members and minority clans. This has created a sense of optimism about the upcoming elections, given the country’s long history of conflict and the general lack of democratic governance institutions and structures.

Achieving gender equity and equality remains a primary goal. The adoption of the national gender policy albeit with criticism from religious scholars, is a positive initiative. Public debate and awareness campaigns should be conducted to challenge negative traditional cultural narratives, and misinterpretation of Islamic teachings that lock women out of elective public and political leadership roles.

Given that the clan-based formula will be used in the October elections, there is a real risk that the constitutional 30% gender threshold might be undermined. Consolidating the constitutional gains for women in Somalia requires bold resolve to adopt enabling policies. President Mohamud ought to decree these in order to leave a legacy for the empowerment of Somali women. – ISS


Hawa Noor, Research Consultant and Peter Aling’o, Office Director and Senior Researcher, Governance, Crime and Justice Division, ISS Nairobi


Date         :               September 25, 2016

Source     :               Mail & Guardian Africa

Posted in Gender and Human Rights, Latest Post, Politics | Leave a comment

New Book: Gender Shrapnel in the Academic Workplace


Clearing the Shrapnel

Gender-based discrimination in the academic workplace isn’t always overt, but the “shrapnel” of small indignities stays with you. That’s the premise of a new book on this kind of bias, and how to alleviate it.

Ellen Mayock, Ernest Williams II Professor of Spanish and professor of women’s and gender studies at Washington and Lee University, wasn’t always a feminist. But a career in academe — including a frustrating stint as the token female administrative “voice” — led to a consciousness about how gender issues play out in the academic workplace. That transition is a major thread in her new book, Gender Shrapnel in the Academic Workplace (Palgrave Macmillan), which is a combination of theory, personal and gathered anecdotes, and recommendations for change.

Shrapnel takes its name from its central concept: that female professors and administrators aren’t necessarily overtly discriminated against as much as they are subject to regular insults and slights — all of which build up over time to inflict real damage. The cumulative damage idea will be familiar to anyone following recent dialogues about race — in that context this idea has frequently been described as microaggressions. Mayock’s gender-specific term is arguably more illustrative: gender shrapnel.

Put another way, digs such as “How does your husband deal with this?” (“this” being long hours at work that have amounted to a productive research agenda), lodge in one’s skin, like bits of shrapnel from an explosion meters off. One isn’t fatal but many over time pose risk to the woman — or at the very least to her longevity in academe.

Yet the book is not all descriptive. It presents possible solutions, such as awareness training and a detailed instructor’s appendix to help better contain the blasts. As Mayock puts it, “When more women and men workers can capably evaluate their work environments, find the strength to speak out consistently against injustice, become CEOs and presidents who vociferously do not tolerate workplace injustice, and find support in other like-minded individuals, then we will have cleared much of the gender and intersectional shrapnel that continues to cause too many ‘Ow, it got me’ moments and to capture too much of our attention that could be placed more productively on the work itself.”

Mayock responded to email questions about the book. Here is some of the conversation, edited for clarity and length. (Shrapnel also has a blog for further reading.)

Q: What is gender shrapnel, and how is it similar to microaggressions that have been cited in recent campus protests about race?

A: Gender shrapnel is a series of small workplace explosions that occur when no one person or organization is purposefully discriminating against women (or men, less frequently) based on sex, but when the gender norms of our homes and of our public interactions that consistently follow a patriarchal flow are replicated in the workplace, entrenched in the workplace, and then become the fabric of a pattern of sexual discrimination. This pattern is normally not consonant with the organization’s professed values and is often in direct opposition to Title VII and Title IX law. Gender shrapnel also encompasses the scattered bits of metal at the intersections of gender with race, socioeconomic status, sexuality, parental status, national origin and religion.

The excellent term “microaggressions,” originally coined by Chester Pierce in 1970 and made more commonplace recently through Derald Wing Sue’s 2010 Microaggressions in Everyday Life: Race, Gender and Sexual Orientation, is certainly linked to the concept of gender shrapnel. In Gender Shrapnel, I say that Pierce’s term is a useful way to understand the daily, frustrating, energy-sucking experience of dealing with discrimination. The metaphor of gender shrapnel obviously focuses on gender (and its connections with others of the so-called protected categories), and it implies that oftentimes the experience of discrimination, harassment and retaliation requires an understanding of uneven dynamics over time and a nuanced approach about when and how to confront the workplace injustice.

 Q: What are “bad gender days,” and can you describe one of your own?

 A: Each one of us can probably offer a highly unique take on the “bad gender day.” [Cisgender] men who feel limited by the emotional palette available to them, cis women who work so hard just to be heard and to be credited for their good ideas and work, and trans women and trans men who are even more boxed in by gender norms and scripts. These issues are so hard to navigate, and I wonder how we can move deliberately towards kindness and very firmly away from violence in these realms. I think most of us can generate a narrative of gender shrapnel, if we think analytically about our own experiences.

A bad gender day for me might include being interrupted at a meeting, hearing another credited with my idea or work, having someone speak for me, rather than listen to me, and/or being seen in a group of women and being asked what we are “plotting.” There are many worse gender days out there, so these are just a few lighter examples. Of course, we see in the news every day much more acute examples of the sexual violence so present on our college and university campuses.

Q: You cite Betty Friedan’s The Feminine Mystique, from which you’ve developed the notion of the professional mystique. What is the professional mystique, and how — if at all — has life for women working in academe and without improved since the early 1960s?

A: I talk about the professional mystique as a dissatisfaction with roles and cultures that women and underrepresented groups experience in the workplace. I relate this issue to women’s depiction in the popular press, the “role crisis” (i.e., which role[s] are we supposed to play at any given moment?), the “is this all?” phenomenon (Friedan), privilege envy (Friedan) and the structure of the workplace.

In many ways, life for women in the college and university workplace seems better now.

There are more and more women, including women of color, graduating from undergraduate and graduate programs, so the pipeline is open. At the same time, a look at the statistics in Kristine De Welde and Andi Stepnick’s excellent volume, Disrupting the Culture of Silence, shows us that women and, in particular women of color (categorized by the authors as black, Hispanic, Asian, Pacific Islander and American Indian/Alaska Native women), occupy primarily the part-time and/or temporary (adjunct) ranks and, on the tenure track, primarily the assistant professor level. This means that women in the academic workplace are definitely experiencing a glass ceiling and a significant wage gap.

Another important issue to consider is women students’ and employees’ access to equality in the education workplace. If sexual discrimination, harassment and retaliation are an issue for educational institutions, then it’s more than likely that these institutions are not managing well the more acute problems of sexual assault and violence. We know that this goes against [federal antidiscrimination laws] and creates significant obstacles for girls and women in educational settings.

The U.S. government over the past several years has required educational institutions to inspect and revise their policies and practices. This increased vigilance sends the right message that illegal behaviors won’t be tolerated, although enforcement methods and goodwill about transparency still vary widely from institution to institution.

Q: The book has personal, academic and practical purposes. Who is its intended audience?

A: The book is structured to offer narratives of gender shrapnel, theorize about the problems of gender and intersectional dynamics, and offer solutions and training principles. In this sense, the first part of the book states clearly that stories matter, that we have to understand the nuance and the details to make more transparent the experiences of discrimination, harassment and violence. The second part of the book is perhaps the most dense, as it dives into legal theory and history, sociology, organizational management, and media analysis in order to name common denominators in different types of workplace injustice. I don’t leave my cultural studies/Hispanic studies roots behind, but rather enhance them through the incorporation of other disciplines’ scholarship. The third section, titled “Solutions,” has an extremely practical bent. This was of utmost importance to me, because I didn’t want to just lay out the stories and problems without offering clear, firm solutions.

Many people and groups, therefore, fit into the audience for the book. Some readers might want to get a sense of the minutia, or the textured details, of gender shrapnel; some readers, especially sociologists, women’s, gender and sexuality experts, lawyers, and journalists, might delve into the more data-heavy second part of the book; still other readers might go right to the nitty-gritty of training principles and solutions for creating an improved workplace environment. I laughed when several people told me they read Gender Shrapnel on the beach this summer. I love that! It is somewhat dense beach reading, but I do think many of the messages will speak to a wide audience, both in and beyond educational settings.

Q: What is tempered radicalism? How do you see it helping women in the academic workplace?

A: Tempered radicalism is a term coined by Debra Meyerson and Maureen Scully, who say that tempered radicalism is a process enacted by “the people who work within mainstream organizations and professions and want also to transform them.” I particularly like this concept, because it doesn’t ignore that we workers are human beings who have beliefs and platforms that we don’t just leave at the door when we enter the workplace. Meyerson and Scully believe that recognizing and understanding the broad array of views of different individuals in the workplace can help managers to effect fair change. This is good for men and women in the workplace. The one drawback they note is that the “radicals” can end up forming a part of an out-group, and organizational dynamics can stagnate with fixed in- and out-groups.

Q: How do we “clear the shrapnel”? What kind of awareness training should be required, for whom?

A: I believe that clearing the shrapnel requires a multipronged approach, which includes providing education about gender and intersectional dynamics and pitfalls to every member of the organization (students and employees in the academic setting), following up on that education in small and large groups, sending consistent institutional messages, considering and rectifying inequities in levels of visibility and invisibility, advertising new opportunities to all, and figuring out individual students’ and employees’ strengths that can contribute to organizational change.Gender Shrapnel provides instructions for training sessions, a glossary and recommendations for creating a more equitable work environment. We must make sure that we train the trainers well, or else the whole process can run off the rails.

The leaders of the institution or organization must make the training and follow-up absolute priorities for themselves and all students and employees.


By            :               Colleen Flaherty

Date         :               September 22, 2016

Source     :               Inside Higher Ed

Posted in Gender and Human Rights, Latest Post | Leave a comment

How State Welfare Rules Affect Low-Income Single Mothers Without Cash Incomes


As the 1996 Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunities Reconciliation Act marks its twentieth anniversary, researchers are still exploring the impact of this law, called “welfare reform.”  Although this law’s Temporary Assistance for Needy Families program helps some groups of poor people, it leaves others without any stable cash support. One group seriously at risk consists of low-income single mothers with children who end up with no incomes from either welfare or paid jobs. Researchers call them “economically disconnected.”

Why Should We Care?

Low-income mothers and children who have have no documented cash income of their own may be eligible for Temporary Assistance to Needy Families, yet many do not get those benefits. This is a cause concern, because families suffer when they have no cash at all. And we can also ask whether these programs are sufficiently accessible to those in most need. Available data show that “take-up rates,” that is, use of benefits, fell to about 30 percent in 2009 for eligible families. In 1990, moreover, studies found that about ten percent of low-income women subsisted without any cash; but the proportion rose to more than 20 percent by 2010.

Such “disconnected mothers” with little or no income are among America’s most economically vulnerable people. They are more likely than other low-income single mothers to live in public housing as opposed to apartments, and they experience severe hardships, sometimes even going without food. Prior studies have identified a number of reasons why certain poor women become so cut off from both work and public cash assistance. Many find it hard to get or keep jobs, because they lack childcare or transportation, or because they have to care for an ill family member. Many of these women also suffer physical and mental health problems that prevent them from working; or they have few opportunities due to limited work experience, learning disabilities, and low levels of educational attainment.

Do State Welfare Push Women to the Margins?

Many, if not all, of these families appear to qualify financially for public benefits that could reduce their hardship, yet are not receiving any cash assistance. Why?  Although some very needy women may simply decide not to apply for benefits, many may make choices influenced by program rules that make them ineligible despite severe financial need. The 1996 welfare law prompted major changes in the delivery of welfare benefits across all U.S. states. All states must deal with fixed federal grants and are required to institute time limits for people to get cash benefits. Nevertheless, states have some flexibility in how they define welfare rules and allocate the funds. Consequently, variations in state rules and procedures can affect decisions by poor mothers about applying for and using temporary assistance benefits.

Very low benefit rates in certain states may discourage women from applying – and some states actively try to divert poor women into programs other than Temporary Assistance for Needy Families. State rules about time limits, sanctions, and exceptions can also influence how long women receive cash assistance. Some may leave or get pushed out of programs before they have jobs. Although shorter time limits for welfare are meant to prod women into jobs, in practice positive employment outcomes do not happen for many of these mothers.

Research by my associates and I focuses on how state welfare rules relate to the likelihood of poor women ending up without any income from work or welfare. We explored these issues using data from the Survey of Income and Program Participation and the Welfare Rules Database covering the period from April 1996 to January 2007 – a decade of great change and variation in state welfare rules. In a way that protected personal information, the data analysis was conducted at the New York Census Research Data Center at Baruch College, a secure laboratory operated in partnership with the U.S. Census Bureau’s Center for Economic Studies.

Time Limits, Benefit Levels, and Diversion Programs

Our findings indicate that state Temporary Assistance rules do matter, helping to explain why very needy women do – or do not – end up severely marginalized, without any cash income.

Our strongest finding is that poor women who live in state with lower time limits for cash welfare assistance are more likely to end up disconnected, trying to survive without any cashincome. Because time limits are visible and easily understood, this is not surprising. Some poor women in these states may have collected welfare benefits for a period and simply reached the lifetime limit, losing eligibility. But others who could apply may be discouraged by the strict limit. Extending limits in states where they are very strict would not only allow very needy recipients to remain in the Temporary Assistance program longer; such a step might also encourage very needy women to apply when they actually are eligible. They might become less worried about losing eligibility for a time of future need. It is also possible that very strict limits signal a harsh administrative process, in which caseworkers tend to discourage needy mothers.

Two additional program rules also have a significant impact. States with more generous benefits tend to put poor women less at risk for becoming disconnected – and the higher benefit levels do not discourage employment.

On the other hand, states that try to divert needy women into programs that provide just short-term cash help rather than longer-term benefits tend to end up with more disconnected needy women trying to get by without any cash income. Furthermore, short-term diversion programs do not seem to help women find work. These programs may not function as intended.

For the foreseeable future, U.S. welfare programs are likely to remain in the hands of the states. Our research shows that specific state rules matter – and states that want to prevent the neediest women from falling into severe economic distress without any cash income, should start by reconsidering overly strict time limits for Temporary Assistance. Such limits can end up sending overly discouraging messages to women truly in need and potentially eligible for public help.

Read more in Andrea Hetling, Jinwoo Kwon, Correne Saunders, “The Relationship between State Welfare Rules and Economic Disconnection among Low-Income Single Mothers” Social Service Review 89, No. 14 (2015) 653-685. 


By            :               Andrea Hetling (Rutgers University)

Date         :               April 2016

Source     :               Scholars Strategy Network

Posted in Latest Post, Policy, Social and Economic Inequalities | Leave a comment
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